External Remerge and linearization in ATB, RNR and PG constructions

초록

We claim that across-the-board (ATB) and right node raising (RNR) constructions in English should be analyzed in a uniform way, but neither of them can be on a par with parasitic gap (PG) constructions. To support this claim, we demonstrate that only the former two can license additive coordination (AC) and interwoven dependency (ID). We then offer a novel derivational analysis of the (un)availability of AC and ID in the three constructions. Specifically, we propose that cross-clausal conjunction via External Remerge (ER) constructs parallel coordinate structure in ATB and RNR while illegitimate linear ordering in the resulting multidominance structure is constrained by PF constraints; by contrast, ER does not yield the same kind of coordinate structure for PGs since subordination is required for the PG construction. © 2019 Institute for the Study of Language and Information.

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