ᄒᆞ오체 어미 ‘-오, -소, -으오’의 통시적 변화에 대한 형태론적 재고찰

초록

This paper investigates the diachronic morphological formation of the Ha-o style endings -o, -so, and -euo in Korean. Through a critical reassessment of previous research, it introduces new empirical data, refines existing interpretations, and reconstructs a more accurate account of their historical development. In the late 18th century, the declarative and interrogative endings -o and -so, as well as the imperative -o, emerged. The distribution of -o and -so in declarative and interrogative contexts was conditioned by phonological environments. However, the absence of a Ha-o style imperative ending for non-liquid consonant-final stems is attributed to morphological blocking by the formally identical Ha-so style ending -so. The absence of -jo, despite the pre-final ending {-sʌp-} serving as a morphological source, is attributed to the prior decline of {-jʌp-} during the formation of the Ha-o style endings. The form -euo is proposed to have arisen through reanalysis: -o following vowel-final and /l/-final stems was reinterpreted as involving an epenthetic-vowel ending. A gap in the Ha-o style allomorphy system motivated this reanalysis, and the simplification of the conditions for /ɨ/-deletion observed in the nineteenth century provided a facilitating cue. The emergence of -euo had ambivalent consequences: it stabilized the imperative allomorphy system, but in declarative and interrogative contexts it increased allomorphic complexity by coexisting with -so under the same distributional conditions.

키워드